VOL. LIV, NO. 104
California State University, Long Beach April 20, 2004
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Our View: Iraq war purged of death

Operation Iraqi Freedom

Former Army General and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Hugh Shelton once remarked that any U.S. military endeavor would have to pass the "Dover test," referring to Dover Air Force Base in Delaware, the place where Americans who fall in combat return home in flag-draped caskets. Shelton meant that a military campaign would only be sustainable if the public would support it despite the bitter poignancy of images of coffins being carried away from a plane by uniformed soldiers on a regular basis.

The first Bush administration opted not to take the test. It barred reporters from Dover at the start of the Panama invasion and kept the prohibition in place throughout the elder Bush's presidency. President Clinton followed roughly the same policy, though he made some exceptions for servicemen killed in terrorist attacks. And the current Bush administration is adhering to the original ignominious policy, blocking the media's coverage of the solemn repatriations under the guise of preventing sensationalist coverage.

But the administration is really following what it believes to be a historical logic -- a logic that says the American public can't handle the heart wrenching reality of war. On the surface, this logic appears sound. Grotesque and horrifying footage of a GI being dragged through the streets of Mogadishu led to the rapid withdrawal of forces from Somalia under Clinton. In Vietnam, public opposition to the war increased against a backdrop of an endless stream of Americans coming home horizontally.

But there are serious differences between these conflicts and the war in Iraq. Since the shocking events of Sept. 11 brought war to U.S. soil, Americans have become more willing to accept casualties. Moreover, the mission is Iraq is now widely agreed to be vital to the U.S. national interest, and Americans are unlikely to push the administration to cut and run irrespective of deaths.

But whether mournful pictures of red, white and blue caskets will sway public opinion is immaterial -- war should not be sanitized.

And while the media chaff against this restriction, they are doing their own cleansing of the conflict. More than 700 U.S. troops have died and nearly 2500 have been seriously wounded in the Iraq war. But scarcely a dead American soldier have we seen (Iraqi dead are more or less fair game, of course).

During the war we were treated to an undeniably disinfected version of events through the grainy night-vision lenses of embedded journalists. There were explosions during the Baghdad blitz, images of tanks blasting away at unseen targets in the distance and the occasional up close shots of firefights. But all the time we saw nary a drop of American blood that represented anything life threatening. It is difficult to know whether the media believe that their audience doesn't want to see the truth or if the media are simply playing cheerleader.

Ultimately, both the government's and the media's policies are a genuine disservice to all involved. The dead pass from the combat zone to the grave unseen by the American people, known only as such and such number serviceman or servicewoman to have died in the conflict. The families are left with their grief, their soldiers' deaths kept more or less under wrap save a brief mention on the evening news. And the American public goes on trying to get its head around vital issues of war and death without really having seen either of them.

 

 


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