VOL. LIV, NO. 101
California State University, Long Beach April 14, 2004
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Our View: Coalition wise to challenge Sadr

Last week in Iraq the United States announced plans to arrest a Shia cleric, Muqtada Sadr, on charges of involvement in last year's assassination of a moderate Shia cleric. The arrest warrant, combined with a new coalition offensive following the killing and mutilation of four American civilian contractors, has provoked ferocious uprisings throughout the country by previously peaceful Shias. Scores of coalition soldiers have died since in the fighting.

An impulse arises that America should not have sought to arrest Sadr in the first place. His following was relatively minor to begin with, and the warrant only seems to have galvanized support for him. The insurgency has in the process gained a more diverse makeup, since it previously consisted mainly of the minority Sunni Muslim population.

A necessary decision

Nonetheless, it was correct to issue the warrant for several reasons. For one, the coalition simply wants to bring the cleric in for questioning. His refusal to submit to interrogation is a direct affront the coalition's temporary authority.

Second, attempting to placate a violent movement sets a dangerous precedent. It suggests that the coalition is not willing to make unpopular decisions. It says that if a person commands a sizable following, that person is above the law. Clearly such a situation would not be amenable to the coalition's goal of liberal democracy in Iraq.

Similarly, Sadr had assembled a standing militia. No aspiring democracy can allow such forces to exist. A standing militia not sponsored by the government, ready to exercise force if events should arise with which it disagrees, is an idea inimically opposed to the creation of a stable society that honors the rule of law.

We currently are seeing the consequences of appeasing such militias in Afghanistan. Numerous warlords exercise virtual autonomy over various portions of the country, and they, like Sadr, have loyal followings and standing militias. Attempting to arrest any of these warlords would almost certainly result in unrest and bloodshed.

But the alternative -- letting warlords roam free -- is to accept stagnation and even regression. In Afghanistan, the status quo impedes the development of the central government. Many of the warlords do not funnel any tax revenue to the central government nor do they concede that the central government has any jurisdiction over them or the people of their region. As a consequence, Afghanistan at present is little more than a collection of fiefdoms. Unfortunately, there is not currently a military presence in Afghanistan capable of taking on the warlords.

In Iraq, however, such a force does exist. The coalition realized it would likely face a far greater challenge if it had tolerated Sadr's violent rhetoric for fear of upsetting the populace. As Sadr's power grew, the coalition would have appeared ever meeker. Insurgents would have been emboldened and any eventual response by the coalition would have been seen as an act of desperation.

Similarly, allowing the cleric to further empower himself while the government stabilized would amount to delaying an inevitable confrontation with the coalition or passing the buck to the future Iraqi government. It would force the coalition or this government to one day deal with an even stronger Sadr-led movement that might seriously and violently oppose the new government. The coalition's generals in Iraq rightly saw that to not pay some price now might mean paying everything later.

A delicate position

With Sadr now holed up in a holy Shia mosque in Najaf, the coalition must tread lightly and remember its priorities. Sadr must be brought in for questioning with respect to last year's killing of the moderate cleric and must also be convinced to disband his militia. But his capture does not warrant a pell-mell rush into the third holiest Muslim city in the world and the accompanying potential damage to hallowed shrines. The coalition has demonstrated its resolve and now must prove that it is also willing to negotiate in good faith.
In the end, the Sadr situation is a microcosm of the dilemma facing the coalition in Iraq. The coalition must provide security for itself and the Iraqi people without stirring up the type of resistance that will make security impossible. And so as the iron fist of troop levels increases over the coming months, the coalition had better invest in a lot more velvet gloves.

 


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