1 Executive Summary and Recommendations

1.1 Report summary

Afghanistan has been at war since April 1978. During every phase of the conflict—the

revolution of April 1978 that brought to power the factionalized Marxist-Leninist People’s

Democratic Party of Afghanistan, its radical reform measures and brutal crackdown on the

uprisings that followed; the Soviet invasion of December 1979, occupation and

counterinsurgency war; the Soviet withdrawal and the civil war; the repressive rule of the

Taliban, and finally the U.S.-led intervention that ended it—different armed factions, both

Afghan and foreign, committed crimes against humanity and serious war crimes. These war

crimes have included large-scale massacres, disappearances and summary executions of at

least tens of thousands of Afghans, indiscriminate bombing and rocketing that killed hundreds

of thousands of civilians, torture, mass rape and other atrocities. In the twenty-seven years

since the war began, there has been no serious effort, international or domestic, to account for

these crimes.

To say that all of the armed forces that fought in Afghanistan committed war crimes is

not to say that every single fighter has been guilty of such actions. What the Afghanistan

Justice Project has documented are incidents in which senior officers and commanders ordered

actions amounting to war crimes by their forces, or allowed such actions to take place and did

nothing to prevent or stop them. The Afghanistan Justice Project’s intent in documenting

these incidents is not to impugn the cause for which any of the armed groups fought, but rather

to call for accountability where those actions amounted to war crimes.

Accounting for the worst of the crimes committed continues to be an issue of great

concern to many Afghans: the report published in January this year by the Afghan

Independent Human Rights Commission (AIHRC), “A Call for Justice,” indicates strong

support among Afghans to address the legacy of the past. How that should take place remains

a choice for the Afghans to make. When given the opportunity to discuss their views about the

past, as did those consulted for the AIHRC’s survey, and as those interviewed by the

Afghanistan Justice Project and other human rights groups have done, Afghans across a broad

political, ideological and social spectrum have expressed strong support for several key steps,

including:

1. Excluding persons who have been responsible for war crimes and crimes against

humanity from political office and institutionalizing vetting procedures.

 

2. Establishing mechanisms at the local, regional and/or national level for for

documentation, investigation and other truth-seeking measures about past abuses and

war crimes;

 

3. Recognizing the suffering of the victims of the war and acknowledging their right to the

truth about what happened to loved ones who were killed or disappeared in the course of

the war.

 

Afghans interviewed by human rights organizations have also consistently charged that

commanders and others responsible for serious abuses abuses retain power in many parts of

the country, and continue to violate the rights of local citizens. They see that so long as those

responsible for past crimes enjoy impunity, the security of ordinary citizens is at risk.

The Afghanistan Justice Project has documented a number of key incidents from the

different phases of the war in Afghanistan. that are important because of the magnitude of the

crime or because of the involvement of people who continue to wield power. In this report, we

have included a number of these incidents. The dossiers reproduced here represent only part of

the Afghanistan Justice Project’s work, as we have gathered more information about violations

from every period than we were able to include in this report. In each case that we have

included, the Afghanistan Justice Project has attempted to include not only direct witness

testimony about the events that took place but an analysis of the command and control of

troops responsible for the operations.

 

No single report can adequately document the many grave war crimes committed by all

parties to the conflict in Afghanistan’s twenty-five years of war. What we have covered in this

report represents only a fraction of the many crimes that drove millions of Afghans from their

homes, laid waste to their farmlands and cities, and killed and maimed more than one million.

In this report we have included incidents

From the PDPA period, April 1978 to December 1979: Arrests, disappearances and

summary executions; the Kerala massacre 1979; the Herat uprising in March 1979;

bombings, disappearances and resistance in Hazarajat 1979; crackdown on uprisings

in Kabul; torture.

 

From the PDPA period and Soviet Occupation 1980-1988: Arrests, detention and

torture; Indiscriminate bombardments and reprisals against civilians in the

countryside

 

From the Najibullah government after the Soviet withdrawal, and the resistance:

Continuing bombardments; abuses by government-backed militias; attacks on

Afghans in Pakistan; torture in mujahidin prisons.

 

From the civil war 1992-96 and United Front period 1996-1998: The bombardment

and rocketing of Kabul 1992-1995; The Afshar massacre and mass rape in Kabul

1993; torture, rape and summary executions by Ittihad, Hizb-i Wahdat and Shura-i

Nazar forces in Kabul; torture, rape and summary executions by Junbish forces in

Kabul and the north; the massacre of Taliban prisoner in Mazar-i Sharif 1997

 

From the Taliban era: The massacre in Mazar-i Sharif 1998 ; massacres in Sar-i Pul

1999-2000 ; the massacre in Rabatak 2000; the massacre in Yakaolang 2001;

Burnings and deliberate destruction: the Shamali campaign 1999-2000; Yakaolang

and Bamyan 2001

 

Although the original mandate of the Afghanistan Justice Project was to document war

crimes only through 2001, some patterns of abuse identified in this report have continued in the

years since 2001. In the concluding chapter in this report we examine how U.S. forces allied

themselves with commanders who were responsible for some of the worst war crimes committed

during the civil war. They did so because they believed these commanders could help the U.S.

defeat al-Qaeda and the Taliban. Nearly four years later, many of these same commanders have

grown richer and more powerful, with links to organized crime and the narcotics trade, while the

Taliban continue to pose a threat. The U.S., along with senior officials in the U.N. and in some

other governments, has also opposed efforts to investigate past abuses, arguing to do so would

imperil “stability.” In addition, U.S. forces have replicated some of the same torture techniques;

unacknowledged and secret detentions employed by their predecessors, and have thereby

undermined efforts to establish in Afghanistan accountable institutions that adhere to the rule of

law.

 

Documenting war crimes committed during the various phases of the war has proved

more problematic for some periods than in others. For example, during the Soviet occupation,

few witnesses to specific incidents or survivors of bombardments interviewed by the Afghanistan

Justice Project have able to identify the forces responsible other than that they were “Russians.”

The years that have passed since the Soviet occupation have made it more difficult to locate key

witnesses to specific incidents, and the historical accounts that exist from this time tend to focus

on macro-level political developments with general accounts of field operations. There was no

discussion of accountability in the negotiations that culminated in the Geneva Accords and the

Soviet withdrawal. The last Soviet forces left Afghanistan in February 1989, and on November

28, 1989, the Supreme Soviet adopted an amnesty excluding the possibility of prosecutions of any

of its forces for deliberate or indiscriminate attacks against Afghan civilians. Most of the Soviet

documentation related to the war remains classified. Declassifying these documents and allowing

access to them would represent an important step forward for Afghanistan’s efforts to create an

accurate historical record and pursue its own documentation efforts

Conversely, there are few historical accounts of any kind about the fighting in Kabul

1992-1996 and the situation elsewhere in the country, despite the relatively recent nature of the

events. Thus, the Afghanistan Justice Project has attempted to fill a gap in documenting the

nature of the fighting, the shifting patterns of command and control in different areas, and the

abuses that resulted. Finally, while certain aspects of the Taliban regime have been subject to

international criticism, that scrutiny has not led to detailed documentation of field operations

during which the Taliban committed war crimes, including many massacres of non-combatants.

The post September 11, 2001, focus on global terrorism has further diminished concern about

the Taliban’s record of war crimes.