Latest Revision: March 2004
Academic Freedom vs. Civil Rights
A Special Report of the
Center for First Amendment Studies
California State University, Long Beach
Prepared by
Craig R. Smith, Director
Research, publication and distribution of this study
was made possible by a generous grant
from the New York Times Company Foundation
Academic Freedom: Where It
Stands in the Courts
"The most
serious problems of freedom of expression in our society today exist on our
campuses. . . . The assumption seems to be that the purpose of education is to
induce correct opinion rather than to search for wisdom and to liberate the
mind." (1)
Academic freedom protects the right
to develop and explore ideas in an arena free from political, cultural, or
organizational intimidation. Socrates recognized the need for protection from
authorities and narrow-minded colleagues. (2) He
knew that the object of a university is to promote learning and creativity;
obtaining that goal requires an open and supportive environment.
Historically, Americans have
regarded open intellectual discourse as an essential element in the
preservation of the free marketplace of ideas. It is no different in the
academic community. In fact, First Amendment precedents protect individual
scholars and students from their own academic institutions.
(3) These precedents have generally recognized the special nature of
the academic community where faculty members operate as partners and colleagues
to instill knowledge in students. (4) Perhaps no
where else on earth are the purposes of free speech pursued with more vigor
than on our campuses: we hope to embody John Stuart Mill's free marketplace of
ideas so that truth can be pursued; we hope to promote Thomas Emerson's goal of
providing a place where individuals can express themselves creatively; we hope
to propagate Alexander Meickeljohn's notion that free speech is essential to
self government.
However, academic freedom is not
unlimited. The Supreme Court has consistently protected citizens of the
republic from "fighting words", uninvited obscenity, and words that
present a "clear and present danger." (5)
Of these, the "fighting words" doctrine has been most often used to
justify speech codes. The doctrine, as articulated in Chaplinsky v. New Hampshire, (6) made it unlawful to "address any
offensive, derisive or annoying word to any person who is lawfully in any
street or public place." Chaplinsky had referred to a local Marshall as a
"God damned racketeer" and a "damned fascist" while the
nation was at war with Germany. The Court ruled that fighting words are
"those by which their very utterance inflict
injury or ten to incite an immediate breach of peace."
(7) Also important to the campus environment, the Court has ruled
that persons are not entitled to a captive audience. (8)
At some institutions, most notably Brown University, some have argued that the
First Amendment protects the use of racial epithets and hate speech. In other
cases, as with Professor Leonard Jeffries, Jr. at the City University of New
York, some have argued that the First Amendment even protects professors who
knowingly present incorrect information in their classrooms.
(9)
This study will examine the tension
between academic freedom and civil rights with an eye to sorting out the proper
uses of the First Amendment on campuses versus the misuse of this sacred right.
It will look at academic freedom from several perspectives: First, a historical
review of court decisions shaping the current doctrine of academic freedom;
second, an examination of the reigning case law concerning both individuals and
institutions; and finally, a look at the shifting burdens of proof that have
created confusion in recent cases involving academic freedom.
Historical
Perspective
The freedom to disseminate information and ideas is a "special concern
of the First Amendment." (10) The unique treatment by the courts of the
rights of private colleges and universities was first evidenced in the Dartmouth College case. (11)
Attorney Daniel Webster supported the need for a public policy to protect the
freedom and independence of academic institutions. Webster argued that:
[T]he
case before the court is not of ordinary importance, nor an everyday
occurrence. It affects not this college only, but every college, and all the
literary institutions in the country. They have flourished, hitherto, and have
become in a high degree respectful and useful to the community. They all have a
common principle of existence, the inviolability of their characters. It will
be a dangerous, most dangerous, experiment to hold these institutions subject
to the rise and fall of popular parties and the fluctuations of political
parties. (12)
The Dartmouth College case was important because the
Supreme Court recognized that the academic institution was something special --
something more than other organizations, or businesses, something that served its
purpose only when free from political interference or threat of external
intervention. (13) But, despite the Dartmouth College case, the
rights of private colleges and universities evolved slowly into a clear
doctrine of academic freedom. This became a constitutionally-based protection
for the rights of individuals within academic institutions. These guarantees
not only protect students and professors in public institutions from the
federal government, they also protect them from their state governments. In Gitlow v. New York (1925) the Supreme
Court held that First Amendment protections could be applied to the states
through the Fourteenth Amendment. (14)
The 1950's witnessed a wave of decisions
that recognized the importance of freedom of expression in educational
institutions. In Slochower v. Board
of Higher Education of New York City, (15)
the Court considered whether a tenured teacher in a public college could be
discharged without notice or hearing because he refused to answer a legislative
committee's question concerning his earlier membership in the Communist Party.
In holding that Professor Slochower's constitutional rights had been violated,
the Court ruled that while city authorities were permitted to scrutinize a
person's fitness to hold a public position, they could not do so without
affording procedural protections. Professor Slochower's refusal to answer
questions "admittedly asked for a purpose wholly unrelated to his college
functions" (16) and provided no
permissible basis under which he could be discharged from his academic
appointment.
Shortly
thereafter, in Sweezy v. New Hampshire, (17) the
Court was faced with the question of whether the Attorney General of New
Hampshire could prosecute an individual for refusal to answer questions about a
lecture delivered at the state university concerning the Progressive Party of
the United States. The Attorney General had a clear grant of Legislative
authority to compel testimony because the laws in question passed by the New
Hampshire Legislature in 1951 provided for a comprehensive scheme of regulation
of "subversive activities." "Subversive persons" were made
ineligible for employment by the state government, including public educational
institutions. The Court held that the Attorney General of New Hampshire had
exceeded his authority in questioning Sweezy and, therefore his ruling had
violated the Fourteenth Amendment's due process clause. In holding for the
teacher, the Court weighed the state's interests against Sweezy's First
Amendment right to "academic freedom" and "political
expression." The Court stressed the "essentiality of freedom in the
community of American universities," and warned against "imposing any
strait jacket upon the intellectual leaders in our colleges and
universities." (18)
If Sweezy v. New Hampshire was a landmark First
Amendment case for the 1950's, then the Supreme
Court's most significant pronouncement on academic freedom in the 1960's came
in its decision in Keyishian v.
Board of Regents of the University of the State of New York. (19) The Keyishian
case involved faculty members whose jobs were endangered when they refused to
sign loyalty certificates and sought declaratory and injunctive relief from the
Supreme Court. The certificates were part of an intricate statutory and
regulatory scheme aimed at preventing state employment of
"subversive" persons. The Court held the New York scheme
unconstitutionally vague, applying heightened scrutiny in light of the
important First Amendment interest at stake:
Our
nation is deeply committed to safeguarding academic freedom, which is of
transcendent value to all of us and not merely to the teachers concerned. That
freedom is therefore a special concern of the First Amendment, which does not
tolerate laws that cast a pall of orthodoxy over the classroom.
(20)
The Court tied its strict standard
prohibiting vagueness to the public interest in preserving academic freedom.
Because the case involved individual professors suing for protection from both
the state law and the state university enforcing the law, this case reaffirmed
that academic freedom protects individuals even from institutions of which they
are employees. Again writing for the Court, Brennan argued that "the
theory that public employment which may be denied altogether may be subjected
to any conditions, regardless of how unreasonable, has been uniformly rejected.
. . . It is too late in the day to doubt that the liberties of religion and
expression may be infringed by the denial of or placing conditions upon a
benefit or privilege." (21)
The Court went further in 1968 in Pickering
v. Board of Education (391 U.S. 563) when it established a balancing test
for determining if public employees', including teachers', utterances were of
public concern and therefore protected under the First Amendment. Marvin Pickering, a teacher in Will County,
Illinois, wrote a letter critical of the school board for which he was fired
when the letter was published in a local newspaper. Though Pickering lost in the lower courts,
his dismissal was reversed unanimously by the Supreme Court. Justice Thurgood Marshall ruled that
Pickering's letter was "public" criticism and singled out a public figure, the
Superintendent for scrutiny. Furthermore, since Pickering's letter called on
the public, it raised issued of public concern.
Marshall wrote:
The problem
in any case is to arrive at a balance between the interest
of the [speaker], as a citizen, in commenting upon matters of public concern
and the interest of the State, as an employer, in promoting the efficiency of
the public services it performs through its employees. . . . The question of
whether a school system requires additional funds is a matter of legitimate
public concern . . . . On such a question a free and open debate is vital to
informed decision making by the electorate.
Teachers are, as a class, members of the community mkost likely to have
informed and definite opinions as to how funds allotted to the operation of the
schools should be spent. (Pickering, 568, 572).
Furthermore, Marshall ruled that since the letter was not
disruptive to activities of the school, the school board had no business
terminating Pickering.
However, had the board been able to show that the letter disrupted the
"harmony" of the school, Marshall said the Court might have ruled
differently. So too if
the communication had been wholly interpersonal in content. (This latter point was
reinforced in Connick v. Myers, 461 U.S. 138 (1983) and Waters v.
Churchill, 511 U.S. 661 (1994).)
Affirmative Action
The doctrine of academic freedom
evolved further in the 1970's. In Regents
of the University of California v. Bakke,
(22) a white male, Allan Bakke, who had been denied entry to medical
school sued the University of California, claiming that the school's
affirmative action quotas discriminated against him on the basis of race. The
Court concluded that the specific affirmative action program of the medical
school violated Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. However, the Court
said this about academic freedom:
Academic
freedom, though not a specifically enumerated constitutional right, long has
been viewed as a special concern of
the First Amendment. The freedom of a university to make its own
judgments as to education includes the selection of its student body. . . . In arguing that its universities must be accorded the right to
select those students who will contribute First Amendment interest. (23) (emphasis ours).
At issue was academic freedom in the context of an
institution's right to self-governance rather than the more traditional
individual's personal liberties in teaching, speaking, and scholarship.
Individual
v. Institution
The nature of the constitutional
protection afforded academic institutions and the individuals within them
remains controversial. Disputes normally center on who should be the primary
beneficiary of academic freedom but have, on occasion, extended to such issues
as sexual harassment and copyrights. While the Bill of Rights and the
Fourteenth Amendment are applicable mainly to individuals, there nonetheless
has evolved a constitutionally-based protection for academic institutions.
Conflict arises when the interests of the individuals clash with the concerns
of the institution as to who should be the primary beneficiary of academic
freedom.
In two landmark
decisions, Sweezy v. New Hampshire and Keyishian
v. Board of Regents, the Court found in favor of the individual
professor rather than the institution. In Sweezy,
the Court was concerned about limitations on the university community because
individual professors might be silenced. The Court explicitly linked its
discussion of freedom in the university to the importance of individual, not
institutional rights: "We believe that there unquestionably was an
invasion of petitioner's liberties in the area of academic freedom and
political expression." (24) Likewise, in Keyishian, the Court granted an
individual professor the right to academic freedom over the state and its
university. In a recent decision, Waters
v. Churchill (1994), the Supreme Court ruled that the public
employees such as nurses, teachers and police officers could not be punished or
fired without some reasonable, factual basis for believing their remarks were
disruptive in the workplace. However, if such a basis was discovered, then the
remarks of the public employees were not protected by the First Amendment.
Justice O'Connor wrote, "When someone who is paid a salary so that she
will contribute to an agency's effective operation . . . says things that
detract from the agency's effective operation, the government employer must
have some power to restrain her." (25) In
short, by a 7 to 2
margin, the Court ruled that persons who affect the morale of operations at
public institutions are subject to dismissal if they do not complain through
proper channels and if they do not stop complaining on the job site once the
issue is resolved. For example, once a tenure decision has been resolved,
faculty members would be wise not to complain about it on the campus since such
complaints undermine the tenure procedure and can prove divisive to the
workplace.
Institutions have other rights. The Bakke decision cited language
from Justice Frankfurter's concurrence in Sweezy
as support for an institution's academic freedom. (26)
Justice Frankfurter had listed the "four essential freedoms" of a
university: "to determine for itself on academic
grounds who may teach, what may be taught, how it shall be taught, and who may
be admitted to study." (27) While the
Court re-affirmed the university's right to select a unique student body, it
also ruled that the university's claim must yield to the plaintiff's Fourteenth
Amendment rights and ordered the University of California to admit Bakke. (28)
On March 18, 1996,
the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit in Texas V. Hopwood concluded on a
2-1 vote that race could not be taken into account in admissions decisions in
order to achieve diversity. However, the ruling is based on the applications of
four white students to a law school; thus, it mirrors that part of Bakke that
applies to professional schools rather than using an undergraduate appeal to
test the law.
Copyright
One of the most confusing areas of
the law concerns copyrights. Article I of the Constitution reads, "The
Congress shall have the power.... To promote the Progress of Science and the
useful Arts, by securing for limited Times to Authors and Inventors the
exclusive Right to their respective Writings and Discoveries . . . ." Most
professors understand the concept of "fair use" as reaffirmed in the
Copyright Act of 1976. The act allows for the "fair use" of
copyrighted materials for educational purposes. (29)
In determining fair use, four factors must be considered: the purpose and
character of the use, the nature of the work being reproduced, the amount and
substantiality of the original work reproduced, and the effect upon the
potential market for the work. Because the courts have generally balanced the
effect of each factor in a particular case, it is difficult to set strict standards
for what does and does not constitute fair use. (30)
When in doubt, permission should be obtained.
Unfortunately, the 1976 Act
contained a loophole so large that several truck loads of computer programs
were driven through it. A U.C.L.A. professor who bought an engineering software
program copied it for his colleagues and some students. The engineering firm
sued. U.C.L.A. argued that the professor was not guilty because the 1976 law
exempted government agencies and U.C.L.A. was part of the state of California. The courts reluctantly went along with
U.C.L.A.'s argument. Until Congress closed the loophole several years ago,
professors in institutions across the land were photocopying documents and
duplicating disks at a dizzying pace.
The issue here is who owns the
"intellectual property." Intellectual property includes:
*ideas
covered by patents
*authorships
copyrighted and "fixed in any medium of expression"
(31)
*slogans,
symbols, logos registered as trademarks
*trade
secrets
The courts have ruled that
professors own the copyright to their lectures through common law. (32) More difficult to understand are the rules governing
the work a professor or teacher does while in the employ of a university.
Collaborative efforts can wreak havoc on the copyrights and credit toward
tenure of the participants. (33) Furthermore,
the owner of a copyright may "assign" or "license" all or
part of it to another. The 1976 law does not contain the specific exemption for
professors' writings from the work for hire rule. (34)
The 1909 Act did contain such a provision. Some universities interpret this to
mean that the work of professors belongs to the university.
(35) Some jurists argue to the contrary that because the 1976
legislation strengthened the rights of creators, the exemption was unnecessary. (36) The Supreme Court stepped into the fray in CCNV v. Reid (1989) arguing that
since the Congress provided no definition of "employee" in the 1976
statute, the prevailing definition had to be deduced from common law. After
sifting through a list of criteria for what constitutes unsupervised work, the
Court considered definitions of "Master, Servant, and Independent
Contractor." When it comes to publications, Justice Marshall, who wrote
the majority decision, argued that professors were independent contractors.
Professors are not required to produce specific publications to receive tenure
or to be promoted; they are simply required to publish scholarly work, and even
that is not true in all cases. But professors should take note that the more
help and supervision they receive from their universities, the more likely they
are to fall into the servant category.
Finally and often most confusing is
the freedom to examine "creative" works or materials, even when
copyright permissions have been properly obtained. Suppose the drama department
on a campus wants to stage pornographic material? Or better, suppose a teacher
of a course in First Amendment regulation shows the movie Deep Throat which the court ruled
pornographic in 1973 in Miller v. California?
Just such a case occurred in Florida in the 1970's. The professor's film was
seized by the state and it asked permission to destroy it. But on procedural
grounds and while questioning the judgement of the professor, the Supreme Court
of Florida ordered (6 to 1) the state to return the film to the professor. The
case was not appealed to the Supreme Court of the United States where the Constitutional issue of a
professor's right to explore a Supreme Court case such as Miller even when students or administrators
objected would have been addressed. (37)
Electronic
Communications
With the evolution of cyberspace
even more confusion has reigned on campuses. What if a professor using a
university account distributes pornography through the Internet? Does copyright
protection extend to material put out on a computer bulletin board? (38) Can a person be guilty of sexual harassment
over the Internet? Is prohibiting a bulletin board or chat group from conducting
conversations tantamount to violating the First Amendment's protection of
freedom of assembly?
The difficulty in answering these
questions arises from the unique nature of the pervasive and invasive Internet.
Bulletin boards, for example, are very inexpensive to start up and have the
advantage of national reach. Communication through bulletin boards is
instantaneous, interactive, and can be anonymous. Bulletin boards and chat
groups may seek protection behind the freedom of assembly clause of the First
Amendment arguing that they are an association. The Supreme Court has regularly
protected such speech. (39)
Basically, the same rules that apply
to print and speech in other realms also apply in cyberspace. For example, the
rules of libel and slander apply to computer bits just as surely as they do to
utterances and printed defamation. But some complications arise. For example,
many computer networks allow members to cross international borders. In such
cases, it might be difficult to determine which country's laws apply. Many
bulletin board users claim that they are akin to public parks, streets, and
speakers corners. Therefore, they should be protected under the First
Amendment's freedom of assembly and speech provisions.
(40) In 1991, a federal judge held that CompuServe was not liable for
defamatory statements posted by a user with which CompuServe had no business
relationship and over which it had no control. In 1995, however, a New York state trial judged ruled that Prodigy was
liable for an occurrence in a chat group which Prodigy moderated. Furthermore,
public places are subject to public nuisance laws. For example, in Wilson v. Parent (1961), the
Court found public profanity to be a public nuisance. Image what you could with
certain items that regularly appear on bulletin boards or server lists. The
1984 law prohibiting the distribution of child pornography led in part to a
black market in the material. The Internet has become the marketplace of choice
for such material. In 1986 the law was strengthened when the government
punished:
any
person who . . . knowingly makes, prints, or publishes, or causes to be made,
printed or published, any notice of advertisement seeking or offering . . . to receive,
exchange, buy, produce, display, distribute, or reproduce, any visual
depiction, if the production of such depiction involves the use of a minor
engaging in sexually explicit conduct. (41)
The government has convicted persons
for such crimes. (42) In October 1996 the
Congress changed that law by passing the Child Pornography Prevention Act which
eliminated the requirement that those filmed or taped actually be minors. Now
the distribution any material purporting to be child pornography, regardless of
the age of the participants or the use of computer graphics, is a crime.
If indecent material is transmitted
over the Internet, are the local community standards developed in Miller v. California (1973)
applied to the community where the material is uploaded, the community where it
is downloaded, or is an Internet community to be established? These issues are
being raised in a current case, U.S.
v. Thomas. (43) In this case,
information transmitted by a couple in California was downloaded in Tennessee, where local community standards regarding
indecency are more restrictive. The Supreme Court has already ruled that
sexually explicit TV channels can be blocked from broadcasting even on cable
until after 10PM.
The Court upheld that section of the Telecommunications Act of 1996 which
requires cable companies to comply. (44)
Part of the difficulty here is the
danger that the Internet could be reduced to using only communication which is
inoffensive or unharmful to children. But in Butler
v. Michigan (1957) the Supreme Court refused to force the adult
population to reading only what was fit for children.
(45) Whether that standard will be applied to the Internet will be
decided very soon by the Supreme Court. The outcome of this case will have
important implications for online users. (46)
In a related case, NEA v. Finley
(97-371), the Court ruled that "Congress has wide latitude to set spending
priorities," and therefore, its decency standard for grants from the NEA
was upheld.
In a recent case, Cubby, Inc. v. Compuserve, Inc., (47) Cubby brought suit for libel, business
disparagement, and unfair competition regarding comments posted to
"Rumorville," a special interest forum available on Compuserve. The
District Court granted summary judgment dismissing all claims against
Compuserve under the theory that Compuserve acted as a distributor of material,
similar to a "bookstore." The actual writers of the material lacked
an agency relationship with Compuserve, since they were neither Compuserve
employees nor had they contracted with Compuserve directly. However, the
implications for universities are far from clear. For example, would the same
independent contractor relationship determined in the Cubby case apply to
articles linked to a university home page by a student paid by the university
to maintain the page? The liability borne by gateway operators, Web sites, and
their users is far from established.
In fact, authorities have had
difficulty prosecuting some cyberspace actions under existing laws. In It's in the Cards, Inc. v. Faschetto (48) in 1995, the court held that a sports
bulletin board was not a "periodical publication", as required for
action under Wisconsin statutes, and therefore the claim of
defamation was invalid. In 1996 Section 230 of the Telecommunications Act
stipulated that "no provider or user of an interactive computer service
shall be treated as the publisher or speaker of any information provided by
another information content provider. . . . No provider or user of an
interactive computer service shall be held liable on account of:
A)
any action voluntarily taken in good faith to restrict access to or
availability of material that the provider or user considers to be obscene,
lewd, lascivious, filthy, excessively violent, harassing, or otherwise
objectionable, whether or not such material is constitutionally protected.
The intent of this provision was to
overturn Stratton-Oakmont v.
Prodigy, in which a provider was held accountable for something an
individual placed on the net. The new legislative provision was a major victory
for computer service operators.
In a copyright case in late 1994, a
U.S. District Judge dismissed charges against an MIT student who ran a Bulletin
Board System on MIT computers and promoted the copying of an estimated million dollars
worth of copyrighted software by users all over the world.
(49) Since LaMacchia, the student, did not receive any financial gain
in the process of running the Bulletin Board, he could not be tried for either
copyright infringement or wire fraud.
The legal theories necessary to
adjudicate electronic communications cases become even murkier when one
considers the multitude of communication types. E-mail provides for private
communication between two people; Usenet groups and Bulletin Boards provide for
communications between thousands of people; and the World Wide Web provides
links to existing files worldwide. (50) With
multimedia, any of these communications can be audio, video, text, still pictures,
or some combination. What standards are to be used in these cases? As the
Information Superhighway develops and additional methods of communicating are
introduced, additional judicial standards will be required. Even now,
clarification of existing standards or the introduction of new standards is
needed. Should network operators be treated as common carriers (the telephone
model), publishers (the print model), broadcasters (the broadcast model),
subscriptions service (the cable model), or distributors?
The publishing model is advantageous
because it falls under the purview of Miami
Herald Publishing v. Tornillo (1974), which affords the highest
amount of First Amendment protection of any medium. Internet operators under
this model would enjoy all the freedoms a newspaper does, though they would be
responsible for libel under the Sullivan test.
The common carrier model is more
complex. It must be of a "quasi-public" nature, use the same business
procedures, and not operated using "individualized decisions. Common
carriers, such as telephone companies, must let the user decide what is
transmitted. The advantage of being a common carrier is that you are not liable
for what is carried; you simply provide the equipment.
Cable television, which is often
considered a common carrier utility, provides a case in point. In National Association of Regulatory Utility
Commissioners, the court of appeals held that a cable system could
be subject to common carrier regulation even on some non-video channels, if, in
fact, the cable system operated those channels in a manner which otherwise met
the defining characteristics of common carriage. (51)
But the Supreme Court eventually ruled that such broadcast content controls as
equal access, equal time, and the fairness doctrine (see below) only applied to
cable channels that were initiated by the local cable provider. Furthermore,
cable programming that is obscene is not protected by the First Amendment,
while cable programming that is deemed indecent is protect by the First
Amendment. The state of Utah, for example, has consistently lost cases in which it tried to
apply the indecent standard of the Pacifica case to cable. (52)
Thus if the Internet is an analog to cable, obscenity could be prohibited but
indecency could not.
However, telephone, another common
carrier, presents a different picture. Section 223(a) of the Communications Act
makes it unlawful to "make any comment, request, suggestion, or proposal
which is obscene, lewd, lascivious, filthy, or indecent." It also
prohibits harassing or threatening calls. Section 223(b) provides:
Whoever
knowingly ... by means of telephone, makes (directly or by recording device)
any obscene or indecent communication for commercial purposes to any person
under eighteen years of age or to any other person without that person's
consent, regardless of whether the maker of such communication placed the call;
or permits any telephone facility under such person's control to be used for an
activity prohibited by subparagraph (A), shall be fined not more than $50,000
or imprisoned not more than six months, or both.
Thus, the law left open the option
of adults using so-called "Dial-a-Porn" services, but subjected them
to prosecution if they solicited minors. Since Internet services are provided
mainly by phone, this analog appeared to be a strong one to many in Congress
when they passed the Communication Decency Act.
The broadcaster model is fraught
with difficulty because broadcasters have been, unfortunately, afforded less
protection than newspapers. They are subject to an indecency standard because
of the Pacifica case. They are subject to equal time and
equal access rules because of the Communication Act. And
until 1987 were even monitored for editorial comments under the so-called
Fairness Doctrine. Such content intensive pre-cursors to the Internet,
such as video-text and tele-text, were sometimes subjected to content controls
because of their content and because of the technology that delivered them. If
inter-active videotext was delivered by vertical blanking in television
broadcast form, some argued that it should be subject to the same controls as
television programming even though much of what was broadcast was derived from
newspapers. For example, federal law prohibits broadcast stations from using
"any obscene indecent, or profane language by
means of radio communication." (53) It was
based on this reasoning that Congress passed the Communication Decency Act
which applied the federal law to the Internet using the broadcast standard.
The subscription model would treat
Internet providers as cable companies. Because you subscribe to the service,
you ostensibly know what you are getting. Thus, communication would be afforded
a great deal of protection. However, cable companies are also common carriers
and have on occasion been forced to carry local television stations and access
channels against their wills.
Finally, there is the distributor
model, wherein the Internet provider claims to be no more than a bookseller or
news vendor. Most Supreme Court rulings have protected libraries and other
providers against charges of liability because they are not responsible for the
content of the items they sell. (54) Such
liability would put a "chilling effect" on distributors. However,
unless they are held liable, they may not properly monitor their systems, if
indeed they should, for hate messages, racist language, and obscenity.
Aside from accessing the World Wide
Web, online communication allows participants to enjoy e-mail. While psychically more distant that the more immediate
communication available through the telephone, e-mail allows users to respond
at their leisure. It is inexpensive and currently uncensored. However,
e-mail is open to abuse. A message sent to one person can be endlessly
forwarded. For example, a recent e-mail memo from a department chair suspending
academic governance on issue of controversy among his faculty was duplicated
and sent around the country in an attempt to embarrass him. E-mail can be
tapped fairly easily not only by the service provider but by the ambitious
hacker. It can be constructed anonymously, and thereby, be used to insult,
harass, and defame with impunity. Thus, e-mail raises its own set of First
Amendment issue.
To overcome these difficulties some
campuses have instituted contracts between users and the university. These are
generally known as "acceptable use policies." These policies concern
restrictions on types of speech allowed, who may use the system, when they may
use it, and security of message content. These policies can be enforced with
the use of filters that pick up certain words and then either terminate
communication or issue a warning. The offending message is often forwarded to
authorities for review. While private online systems have the right to censor
and ban a user's speech, (55) the case is
murkier for universities that are publicly funded. Rules imposed in these cases
must be content neutral under First Amendment precedent set particularly in
"hate speech" cases wherein judges found codes to be overly broad and
vague and thus open to arbitrary and capricious application. Furthermore, we
should not be surprised if the courts added the Fourth Amendment right of
privacy to the First Amendment right of freedom of expression when questioning
campus policies with regard to e-mail. (56) The
right to publish privately and anonymously was born during the revolution and
sustained during the debate over the Constitution and the Bill of Rights. There
can be little doubt about the original intent of the Founders on this issue.
Government or by extension university use of filters and censorship standards
certainly invades privacy and chills free speech. These sections of acceptable
use policies will not survive Constitutional scrutiny.
Government control over Internet
communications has been justified on many bases including prevention of
terrorism, stopping the distribution of obscene or indecent material to
children, detection of computer hackers, and the traditional position that all
new media should be regulated until their impact is known. Thus, some legislator believe that a new regulatory model should be
developed for electronic communications providers. Their call raises several
questions: What level of responsibility will universities bear for
communications initiated by their students? Will communications retain traditional
academic freedom once they leave the campus?
Answers to these questions were
attempted when Congress passed and the president signed the Communication
Decency Act (C.D.A.). The act imposed "indecency" regulations on
online communications similar to those that were imposed on broadcasters by the
FCC and upheld by the Supreme Court in the FCC
v. Pacifica. Violators were subject to a $250,000 fine and/or
imprisonment of two years. But a three-judge panel of the United States Court
of Appeals for the Third Circuit unanimously held that the C.D.A. of the
Congress was unconstitutional. Two of the judges found the term
"indecency" overbroad and vague. The other judge specifically
criticized the Pacifica ruling suggesting that it should be
discarded. Judge Sloviter concluded,
that the C.D.A. reaches speech subject to the full protection of the
First Amendment, at least for adults. . . . [T]here is no effective way for
many Internet content providers to limit the effective reach of the C.D.A. to
adults because there is no realistic way for many providers to ascertain the
age of those accessing their materials.
Judge Buckwalter wrote in support
that "the challenged provisions are so vague as to violate both the First
and Fifth Amendments, and in particular Congress' reliance on Pacifica is misplaced." Judge Dalzell concurred:
The
Internet is a far more speech-enhancing medium than print. . . . the Internet may be regarded as a never-ending world-wide
conversation. As the most participatory form of mass speech yet developed, the
Internet deserves the highest protection from governmental intrusion.
The appeals court was sustained by a
unanimous decision from the U. S. Supreme Court on June 26, 1997 in Reno
v. ACLU, 96-510. Citing the appeals court, the Supreme Court found
the language of the CDA to be overly broad and were
trouble by the "vagueness" of the term "indecent." Justice
John Paul Stevens wrote the decision that argued that the government's interest
in keeping children away from harmful materials "does not justify an
unnecessarily broad suppression of speech addressed to adults." By a seven to two margin the Court also struck down parts of
the act that banned transmission of obscene or indecent material to minors. In
the course of its opinion, the Court said that software provides "a
reasonably effective method by which parents can prevent their children from
accessing sexually explicit and other material."
One result of this decision may be
the increase use of Internet screening software such as "SurfWatch,"
"Cyber Patrol," and "NetNannyquot", which screen out
selected newsgroups from home computers. However, the use of these and other
devices in schools and libraries, which are public and government facilities,
may violate the First Amendment rights of students and public. Filters
interfere with the public right to obtain certain information. And as the
Supreme Court made clear in Tinker
v. Des Moines, students do not lose their First Amendment rights at
the school house door.
Two additional cases in this area deserve
mention. The first involves a two million dollar lawsuit for damages to his
career by a graduate student at the University of Texas, Dallas. The student, Gregory Steshko, was kicked
off e-mail by the university because he was using his account to broadcast
political messages critical of Boris Yeltsin's policy toward the Ukraine and his sexual predilections. Since the University of Texas is government supported, it must answer to
the charge that its restrictions on e-mail violate the First Amendment protection
of content. Is an e-mail account an automatic right for graduate students? Or
is it a privilege that can be revoked at any time? (57)
The second case involves a University of Michigan student who exchanged e-mail with a man in Canada describing their mutual sexual interest in
violence against women and girls. (58)
Additionally, the student posted a story to an Internet newsgroup describing
violent sexual acts. The female character in the story bore the name of one of
his classmates. The district judge dismissed all charges against the student,
because the communications failed to create a "true threat" as
required by First Amendment jurisprudence. The district judge noted that the
First Amendment requirements must be met regardless of the mode of
communication.
Student Speech
Perhaps the most neglected area of
campus liberty is students' First Amendment rights. While students have long
and noble history when it comes to the creation of universities and protesting
various issues, they return to a marginalized state regularly due to the power
structure of most universities. Students formed the first universities at Paris and Bologna in the 1200; they were in charge of
administration and hired and fired faculty. The first student rebellion in America probably occurred at Harvard University in 1766; it concerned contaminated butter
being served in the dining halls. Inspired by William Lloyd
Garrison in 1833, students at Amherst College protested slavery. The President of Amherst quashed the
protests on his campus by 1835; but they continued on many other campuses
throughout the country. From 1870 on student protests occurred less often with
the imposition of in loco parentis by the courts; in other words, campus
administrators took on the role of parents when students arrived on the campus.
By the 1920s, underground student newspapers were not uncommon and they would
flourish during the depression. The Gadfly at Harvard, the Tempest
at the University of Michigan, and The Critic at Yale were typical
of the times. The Intercollegiate Liberal League published The New Student.
In 1931 dental students at the University of California at Berkeley began a protest over secret grading. In that
same year, the national membership of the Intercollegiate Socialist Society
reached 3,500. The National Student League was started by communists in the
same year in New
York City.
These students traveled to Harlan County, Kentucky in support of coal min
workers. In 1934, there was a national strike against war in anticipation of
World War II. However, there were also group who
supported the fight against fascism, particularly during the Spanish Civil War.
In recent times, these rights have
been codified in court precedent. In 1943 in West
Virginia State Board of Education V. Barnett, Justice Robert
Jackson wrote that student freedoms must be protected "if we are not to
strangle the free mind at its source. . . ." (59)
Just as important, he recognized the flag salute as a "form of
utterance" which is a "primitive, but effective way of communicating
ideas." (60) Twenty-six years later the
Court took up Tinker v. Des Moines,
a landmark decision on the First Amendment rights of students. Tinker involved three high school
students who were suspended from school for wearing black armbands as a
symbolic protest against the Vietnam war. (61) The Supreme Court held that the suspension
violated the students' rights of free expression. The Court said students do
not "shed their constitutional rights to freedom of speech or expression
at the schoolhouse gate." The Court limited the scope of the decision,
however, by stating that school officials could regulate student expression if
it caused substantial disruption or material interference with school
functions. This decision was further refined on January 13, 1988 when the Court handed down its decision in Hazelwood School District v. Kuhlmeir. (62) Justice Byron White, writing for the
majority, said that educators possess censorship authority "over school
sponsored publications, theatrical productions, and other expressive activities
that students, parents, and members of the public might reasonably perceive to
bear the imprimatur of the school." (63)
This position was consistent with the courts ruling in the Fraser v. Bothel School District
of 1986 in which a suspension of a student for a "lewd and indecent"
speech was upheld. (64) Though the student had
uttered no obscene or indecent words, his use of innuendo was deemed enough of
a provocation to justify expulsion. The latest area of controversy for schools
is on-line publications. Some schools have refused to allow the on-line
newspapers to publish the names of students for fear it exposes them to
Internet predators. (65)
The right of
public schools to impose dress codes and other restrictions have
generally been upheld if they are content neutral. Even strip searches have
been upheld by the Supreme Court. (66) A
troubling case was that of Pawnee Indian children who were told to cut off
their braids, which they argued were a symbol of their religious culture. The
federal courts sided with the Oklahoma school district. (67)
However, in a similar case, Alabama
& Coushatta Tribes of Texas v. Trustees of Big Sandy Independent School
District, (68) the district court
temporarily enjoined the school district from enforcing its hair length policy
against Native American students on the grounds that the students proved a substantial
likelihood of First and Fourteenth Amendment infringements.
(69)
A recent ruling by California's Court of Appeals is being closely watched
because it involves yet another volatile campus issue, artistic integrity. In
July of 1990, the court allowed an appellate ruling stand with only a single
dissent. The ruling said that San Diego community college officials acted illegally
in canceling a drama class production. The case arose in 1986 when a community
college instructor selected the play "Split Second" for his
production class. The play concerns a black New York City police officer who, in the heat of the
moment, kills a white car-theft suspect who subjected the policeman to a flurry
of racial epithets. At the time the play was to run, San Diego was in a state of high tension over the
trial of Sagon Penn, a young black charged with the murder of a white police
officer. (Penn was eventually acquitted of all charges.) Church leaders and
others in the community complained about the selection of the play. Community
college officials reviewed the script and noted that there were over 40 vulgar
expression and slurs in the first eleven pages. The play was then canceled. The
instructor and his students brought suit. In a two-to-one ruling the Court of
Appeal argued that the instructor's and students' First Amendment rights had
been violated. They said the instructor was within his job description rights
to select the play of his choice. Furthermore, they argued there was no "clear
and present danger" established for the school or the community.
"Rather," the majority said, "school officials were merely
concerned with avoiding the discomfort and unpleasantness that always accompany
an unpopular or unorthodox point of view." (70)
Over the years the Supreme Court has
consistently ruled against school infringements on religious freedom or their
attempts to support one religion over another. In 1948 in McCollum v. Board of Education,
the ruled 8-1 that a Champaign, Illinois plan to allow students to attend
sectarian religious instruction from clergy and others outside the classroom
but on school grounds was unconstitutional. However, in 1952 in Zorach v. Clauson, that decision
clarified when the Court ruled 6-3, that students
could be allowed to leave the school grounds to attend such services. In 1962
in Engle v. Vitale, the
Court struck down the prayer composed by the Board of Regents of New York
written for students at a school in Hyde Park.
In 1963, the Court ruled in Abington
Township School District v. Schempp (7-1), that states could not
force students to recite the Lord's Prayers. In 1980 in Stone v. Graham, the Court
declared a Kentucky law that required the posting of the Ten
Commandments in classrooms to be unconstitutional. The Court went even further
in 1985 in a very controversial ruling which struck down an Alabama law by a
vote of 6-3 that required public schools to set aside a moment of silence for
meditation (Wallace v. Jaffree).
In 1987 in Edwards v. Auillard
by a vote of 7-2 the Court invalidated a Louisianan law requiring public
schools to offer "balanced treatment" between evolution and
creationism.
These and other cases indicate that
the Court treats public schools, state colleges and universities differently
than private institutions. For example, in Lee
v. Weisman (1992), the Court prohibited prayers given by local
clergy and orchestrated by school officials at graduation ceremonies for public
institutions of learning. That decision was reinforced in 1996 in Moore v. Ingrebretsen which
effectively struck down a Mississippi law allowing students to give prayers at
assemblies and over the school intercom, and again in Santa Fe Independent School District v. Doe (2000),
where the Court ruled 6-3 to barr officials from letting students lead stadium
crowds in prayer before football games. Said Justice Stevens,
"The religious liberty protected by the Constitution is abridged when the
state affirmatively sponsors the particular practice of prayer." (71) The
only wiggle room that the Supreme Court has provided came in October of 2001
when the Court in a one line decision refused to reverse the Brown v.
Gilmore ruling out of Virginia, which allowed for a moment of silence in public schools. Virginia legislators stressed that students were free
to do as they pleased during the moment of silence. The ACLU had argued that such statutes
violated the First Amendment because students feel coerced into praying during
the moment of silence.
Officials in private institutions
are clearly given wider latitude in regulating student activities and
supporting religion since teachers and school administrators in public
institutions are considered representatives of the state. However, private
action may be considered public action if the state or federal government is
involved in some way, such as subsidizing the institution or providing grants
to its professors and students. (72)
Furthermore, almost 40 states have statutes protecting freedom of expression in
all venues, private as well as public. California's provision is typical: "Every person
may freely speak, write and publish his or her sentiments on all subjects,
being responsible for the abuse of this right. A law may not abridge liberty of
speech or press."
If students wish to meet somewhere
to pray, it is permissible at a public school, but officials and teachers may
neither discourage nor encourage such activity while acting in their official
capacity. This distinction reflects the basic notion that the First Amendment
was written as a check on the abuse of government or state officials.
Student
Press
The courts have generally held that
college and university administrators have the authority to regulate student
publications where their failure to do so would risk substantial disorder or
violence, interruption of classes and class work, or material interference with
school discipline. School officials have the burden of proving the necessity
for such regulation. However, even the freest student press is treated no
different from the general press in the areas of libel and obscenity. Moreover,
the student press can be enjoined from advocating or inciting lawless action.
In Dickey v. Alabama (1967), a university president
ordered an article containing speeches of "Revolutionaries" stricken
from the front page of the student newspaper. In defiance of the president's
order, the newspaper ran the article's headline and printed diagonally underneath
it the word "censored." The newspaper's editor was suspended. The
Court, however, ordered the student to be reinstated and held that the
university's action was unconstitutional.
In Antonelli v. Hammond (1970), a university required
its student newspaper to submit its copy, for pre-publication review, to a
faculty advisory board chosen by the school's president. After the advisory
board ruled that the student newspaper could not print an article by Eldridge
Cleaver, the newspaper's editor filed suit alleging a violation of his First
Amendment rights. The Federal District Court ruled for the students, holding that the
university was prohibited from imposing prior restraints on a student
publication.
If a state college or university has
a student newspaper, its publication cannot be suspended because college
officials dislike its editorial comments. In Kois
v. Wisconsin (1972) the Supreme Court held that an underground
newspaper, Kaleidoscope,
which had published nude photographs in covering a genuine news event, could not
be censored because "in the context in which [the photographs] appeared .
. . they were rationally related to the article that itself was clearly
entitled to the protection of the Fourteenth Amendment."
(73)
In Papish v. Board of Curators of the University of Missouri
(1973), a state university expelled graduate student Papish for distributing a
student newspaper containing a political cartoon that pictured a policeman
raping the Statue of Liberty and the Goddess of Justice with the caption
"With Liberty and Justice for All." The paper appeared while high
school students were visiting the campus. A Federal Court ordered the student
reinstated because the university had not demonstrated that the expression was
obscene or otherwise unprotected by the First Amendment. The Supreme Court
concurred with a seven member per
curium opinion that read in part:
The
newspaper . . . had been sold on this state university campus for more than four
years pursuant to an authorization obtained from the University Business
Office. [D]isenchantment with Miss Papish's performance, understandable as it
may have been, is no justification for denial of constitutional rights. (74)
In Joyner v. Whiting (1973), the President of North
Carolina Central University revoked the University's financial support from the
official student newspaper because it had printed an editorial comment critical
of the school's admission of white students. The editor of the student
newspaper said the President's action violated her First Amendment rights. The
federal appeals court ruled against the school's administration, finding that
there was no evidence of disruption from the publication and no student
complaints. The court held: "Censorship of constitutionally protected
expression cannot be imposed by suspending the editors, suppressing
circulation, requiring imprimatur of controversial articles, excising repugnant
material, withdrawing financial support, or asserting any other form of
censorial oversight based on the institution's power of the purse." (75)
Freedom of the press is more
limited, however, in cases where publication of a newspaper is part of the
curriculum. In Nicholson v. Board
of Education (1982), a federal Appeals Court held that students in a journalism class
that publishes a school newspaper do not have a constitutional right to be free
from pre-publication review. The Court said that school officials have much
greater latitude in reviewing a student publication that is part of the
curriculum and not an extra-curricular activity. Nicholson must be distinguished from Trujillo v. Love (1971). In Trujillo, a federal District Court ruled that the
fact that community college officials had labeled a newspaper a "teaching
tool," when in reality it had functioned as a forum for student
expression, did not permit censorship. "Having established a particular
forum for expression, officials may not place limitations upon the use of that
forum which interfere with protected speech." (76)
More recently, the Court in 1995
required the University of Virginia to pay printing charges for a student newspaper which "offer[ed] a Christian
perspective on both personal and community issues, especially those relevant to
college students at the University of Virginia." (77)
The Court held in the Rosenberger
ruling that the neutrality required by the Establishment Clause supported
payment of the charges since printing charges were paid for other groups.
Furthermore, the Court found that in singling out this paper, which discusses
from a religious viewpoint topics otherwise worthy of printing cost payment,
the University violated the student's free speech rights. Justice Kennedy
wrote,
[W]e have observed a distinction between, on the one hand, content
discrimination, which may be permissible if it preserves the purposes of that
limited forum, and, on the other hand, viewpoint discrimination, which is
presumed impermissible when directed against speech otherwise within the
forum's limitations.
(78)
In a related case, Board of Regents v. Southworth
(98-1189, 2000), the Court ruled unanimously that state colleges and
universities can require their students to subsidize activist groups on campus,
even when these organizations or their guest speakers advance ideological
notions alien to some of the students. Southworth had argued that no one should
be forced to endorse ideas or contribute to political causes they oppose.
Dissident students, however, are not required to endorse ideas or groups. The
activity fee, said the Court, simply creates a pool of money that supports
campus groups of all stripes. Thus, the system is "viewpoint
neutral."
Groups
On Campus
Closely linked to this problem is
the right of assembly that is deeply embedded in the First Amendment. Groups
often assemble on campuses and sometimes their speech is offensive. Campuses
need to be particularly careful about abridging the right of assembly as a
means of stopping offensive speech. As the Court said in De Jonge v. Oregon (1937),
"Peaceable assembly for lawful discussion cannot be made a crime." (79) This decision expanded the application of
the First Amendment against the states by incorporating it through the
Fourteenth Amendment.
But what happens when two parts of
the First Amendment come into conflict on a high school or college campus? The
government may not establish a religion, according the First Amendment.
Normally, the Supreme Court interprets this clause to preclude aiding or
encouraging a single religious view. In Edwards
v. Aguillard (1987), the Supreme Court ruled 7-2 that giving equal
time to "creationism" constituted establishing a religion and thereby
violated the First Amendment. (80) But other
decisions prevent us from deducing a clear-cut rule on this issue. For example,
in Brandon v. Board of Education of
the Guilderland Central School District (1981), the Court examined
a case where several students had organized a group called "Students for
Voluntary Prayer," which sought permission to conduct communal prayer
meetings in a classroom before the opening of school each day. These students
sought no faculty involvement but their request was denied by the principal,
the superintendent, and the Board. The students brought suit under the First
Amendment. The lower courts did not agree with the students on the grounds that
schools could determine activities, that allowing the group to form its own
forum constituted encouraging religion, and supervision would be required if
the group met on school property. The Supreme Court let the ruling stand. But
only a week earlier, in Widmar v.
Vincent (1981), the Court ruled that campuses could not deny campus
facilities to a group of Christian students if other groups were allowed to use
them; the Christian Group was given equal status with other political groups
that met on the campus. Justice Powell wrote for the majority that the public
forum in question was open to many groups, was already in existence, and would
"confer any imprimatur of state approval" on the Christian group. In
1990, this privilege was extended to high school student groups in Board of Education of Westside Community
School v. Mergens wherein the plurality on the Court argued that
"there is a crucial difference between government
speech endorsing religion, which the Establishment Clause forbids, and private speech endorsing
religion, which the Free Speech and Free Exercise Clauses protect." (81) This decision was a direct outcome of the
Equal Access Act which requires schools that receive federal funds to avoid
discriminating against any student initiated clubs on the basis of religious or
political content of their messages. Critics of the decision argue that it may
open public high schools to all kinds of fringe groups, including student gangs
and the Ku Klux Klan.
Again, in a 1993 case, Lamb's Chapel v. Center Moriches Union Free
School District, (82) the Court
unanimously held that once the school district had opened its facilities for
after-hours use by local community groups it could not exclude a religious
group's request for space to show a six part film on child-rearing just because
the group planned to teach it from a Christian perspective. The reasoning in
this case helped form the foundation of the Rosenberger
decision previously discussed and the most recent decision by the Court on this
issue, Good News Club v. Milford Central (99-2036, Slip. Op., June 10, 2001). In Good
News the Court re-affirmed its position that religious groups must
be permitted to hold after-school study classes in a public elementary school
if other clubs were allowed such privileges. The Court said that the government
cannot "discriminate" against Christian youth groups "because of
[their] religious viewpoint." The 6-3 majority opinion in this case was
written by Justice Thomas. In his dissent, Justice Souter wrote that the
decision appears to stand "for the remarkable proposition that any public
school opened for civil meetings must be open for use a church, synagogue or
mosque."
As noted, the freedom of speech
poses a particular dilemma when pitted against a potential violation of the
Establishment Clause, as it did in Lamb's
Chapel. Historically, the Supreme Court has relied on what is known
as the Lemon test,
first articulated in Lemon v.
Kurtzman (1971). Here, statutes in Pennsylvania and Rhode Island which provided funding to
private schools, mainly Roman Catholic, for secular education were found
unconstitutional. In the opinion of the Court, Chief Justice Burger wrote that
to withstand scrutiny:
First,
the statute must have a secular legislative purpose; second, its principal or
primary effect must be one that neither advances nor inhibits religion;
finally, the statute must not foster an excessive government entanglement with
religion. (83) (internal
quotes deleted).
More recently, Establishment Clause cases have relied on two additional tests. The coercion test, as seen in Lee
v. Weisman (1992) provided that "at a minimum, the
Constitution guarantees that government may not coerce anyone to support or
participate in religion or its exercise." (84) Under this principle a
public school in Rhode Island was
prohibited from inviting clergy to give invocations and benedictions at
graduation ceremonies and providing guidelines for the prayers, as previously
mentioned.
In Rosenberger, (previously discussed), the Court
relied on neutrality to dispel any concern of an Establishment Clause
violation.
The neutrality of the program
distinguishes the student fees from a tax levied for the support of a church or
a group of churches. A tax of that sort, of course, would run contrary to the
Establishment Clause concerns dating from the earliest days of the Republic. (85)
The neutrality test was also used in
a 1993 school case not involving free speech issues. Zobrest v. Catalina Foothills School District
centered on the use of a state-paid sign-language interpreter in a sectarian
high school. The Court found that Arizona's Individuals with Disabilities Education
Act "create[d] a neutral government program dispensing aid not to schools
but to individual handicapped children. . . .[T]he Establishment Clause does
not prevent [this service.]" (86) Under
the ruling, the school district was required to provide this service for the
Zobrest child, despite the fact that the child attended a parochial school.
To escape some free speech dilemmas
the Court may establish policy based on a line of cases extending back to Brandenburg v. Ohio, (1969) a
unanimous decision by the Supreme Court that overturned Brandenburg's
conviction for having advocated anti-black violence at a gathering of the Ku
Klux Klan. Brandenburg's most inflammatory language included these
passages:
[I]f
our President, our Congress, our Supreme Court, continues to suppress the
white, Caucasian race, it's possible that there might have to be some revenge
taken. . . . Personally, I believe the nigger should be returned to Africa, the Jew returned to Israel. (87)
The Court said political speech was
protected unless it was "directed to inciting or producing imminent lawless action, and is
likely to produce such action." (88) In a
series of subsequent decisions, the Court has tried to clarify this decision by
arguing that speech is protected by the First Amendment if it is not obscene,
not libelous, or falls short of illegal action.
This series of decisions goes to the
heart of hate speech laws and campus codes that seek to punish hate speech to
teach people that racism is unacceptable and harmful.
(89) These decisions make writing such codes a near impossibility.
For example, in Hess v. Indiana
(1973), Gregory Hess was brought to trial for encouraging anti-war
demonstrators to escalate their activities. At one point, he yelled,
"We'll take the fucking street later." (90)
The Supreme Court overturned Hess' conviction on the grounds that his speech
was protected because it was not "obscene," did not constitute
"fighting words," and was unlikely to produce imminent lawless
action. Terminiello
v. The City of Chicago (1948) is one of the stare decisis precursors to Hess. This oft cited decision
overturned a conviction because the sitting judge had instructed the jury that
all the prosecution needed to prove was that the speech in question "stirs
the public to anger, invites disputes, brings about a condition of unrest, or creates
a disturbance." (91) Writing for the
majority, William O. Douglas argued that free speech often invites dispute:
It
may indeed best serve its high purpose when it induces a condition of unrest,
creates dissatisfaction with conditions . . . or even stirs people to anger.
Speech is often provocative and challenging. It may strike at prejudices and
preconceptions and have profound unsettling effects as it presses for
acceptance of an idea. (92)
In National Gay Task Force v. Board
of Education (1984), an Oklahoma
statue requiring teachers who advocated homosexual activity to be fired was
struck down on the grounds that the First Amendment does not permit someone to
be punished for advocating illegal conduct at some indefinite future time. Even
advocacy of non-violent protests cannot be held actionable when it results in
violence. (93)
The other side of this issue was addressed in U.S. v. Kelner (1976) where the Court of Appeals
ruled that a threat that was "unequivocal, unconditional, immediate and
specific as to the person threatened as to convey a gravity of purpose and
imminent prospect of execution . . ." was not protected speech. (94)
This standard is perhaps the latest and best definition of fighting words.
Furthermore, in Healy v. James
(1972) the Supreme Court ruled that speech that is "likely to materially
and substantially disrupt the work and discipline of the school" is not
protected by the First Amendment. (95)
The Library
The issue of School Boards removing
or censoring library material is of interest to teaching, students, and
parents. In 1977 in Manarcini v.
Strongsville City School District and again in 1979 in Salvail v. Nashua Board of Education,
the Court held that just because the material is available elsewhere does not
give the boards an excuse to eliminate it from their libraries. In Board of Education, Island Trees Free School District v. Pico (1982), the Court's 5-4 decision upheld the right of the
school's library to retain nine books which the Board wanted removed; they
included Kurt Vonnegut's Slaughter
House Five and Langston Hughes' Best
Short Stories of Negro Writers. Speaking for the majority, Justice
Brennan wrote that "the discretion of the States and local school boards
in matters of education must be exercised in a manner that comports with the
transcendent imperatives of the First Amendment. . . . [D]iscretion may not be
exercised in a narrowly partisan or political manner."
(96)
Harassment
While the tides of academic freedom
have swept forward in some areas, they have been threatened by new restrictions
on other fronts. Recently, rules defining sexual, ethnic, and racial harassment
came into conflict with an individual's right to express opinions about others.
On November 10, 1980, the Federal Equal Employment Opportunity Commission
established guidelines for what constitutes sexual harassment based on sec. 703
of Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. (97)
Unwelcome sexual advances, requests for sexual favors and verbal or physical
conduct of sexual nature constitute sexual harassment when submission to such is made either explicitly
or implicitly a term or condition of an individual's employment, when
submission to or rejection of such conduct by an individual is used as the
basis for employment decisions, or when such conduct has the purpose or effect
of unreasonably interfering with an individual's work performance. (98) The E.E.O.C. directed employers in 1992 to
"take all steps necessary," including "developing appropriate
sanctions," to eliminate "verbal conduct of a sexual nature [having]
the purpose or effect of creating an . . . offensive
working environment." (99) Under this
code, several categories of communication have been labeled sexually harassing.
They include making or using derogatory comments or jokes, graphic verbal
commentaries about an individual's body, writing suggestive or obscene notes or
letters, off color remarks, and so forth. One strong rationale for such rules
is that workers in a work place are often a captive audience unable to remove
themselves from the site of harassment. (100) Here, questions of context (work place), intention and
perception come into play. The context of a university necessarily places
students, professors, staff and administrators under these guidelines. (101) In fact the Court has recently ruled that
students who are victims of sexual discrimination or harassment may be entitled
to damage awards. In Christine
Franklin v. Gwinnett County Schools (1992), the Court handed down a
unanimous decision that allowed an Atlanta woman to seek damages beyond back pay and
prospective relief from her high school under Title IX of the 1980 Education
Act. Until this decision, schools or colleges found to have violated Title IX
were threatened only with a loss of federal funds. (For California regulations and list of ways to deal with
sexual harassment, see Appendix #3.) This decision was clarified in a
five-to-four ruling in 1999 in Davis
v. Monroe County Board of Education. (102)
Justice O'Connor wrote the majority decision that held that if a school
official is notified of harassment by one student of another and chose to do
nothing about it, then the school is liable for damages. Thus, under this new ruling schools can be held liable "only where
they are deliberately indifferent to sexual harassment, of which they have
actual knowledge, that is so severe, pervasive and objectively offensive that
it can be said to deprive victims of access to educational opportunities."
The virtue of this decision is that it sets out a rather clear burden of proof.
In reaction to the confusion of
sexual harassment, the Department of Education of the U. S. Government issued
guidelines for determining if harassment had taken place:
In
order to give rise to a complaint . . . sexual harassment must be sufficiently
severe, persistent, or pervasive that it adversely affects a student's
education or creates a hostile or abusive educational environment. . . . For a
one time incident to rise to the level of harassment, it must be severe.
One can also consult the OCR web
site at: www.ed.gov/offices/OCR/ocrpubs.html
To establish harassment, then, a
plaintiff must prove that he/she belongs to a protected group under the law,
that he/she was subject to unwelcome sexual harassment, that the harassment was
based upon sex, and that the harassment affected a term, condition, or
privilege of employment. These rulings have led to a rash of claims of sexual
harassment across the country and an often panicked reaction from school
officials. In the next sections, the precedential rulings will be discussed
along with some of the more interesting recent cases.
On June 23, 1998, in a five to four ruling written by Justice
Sandra Day O'Connor, the Supreme Court ruled that school administrators and
districts could not be named in sexual harassment suits if they did not know
that sexual harassment was going on. In Gebser
v. Lago Vista Independent School District (96-1866), O'Connor
wrote, "No one questions that a student suffers extraordinary harm when
subjected to sexual harassment and abuse by a teacher and the teacher's conduct
is reprehensible." But if administrators are unaware of the harassment,
they should not be held responsible for it. Justice O'Connor was joined by
Justices Rehnquist, Scalia, Kennedy, and Thomas. While this decision may
encourage the reporting of harassment, it also builds a protective shield
between administrators and their faculty.
However, a few days later, the
Supreme Court made clear that businesses do not enjoy the same level of
protection as do school districts. In Burlington
v. Ellerth (97-569) and Faragher
v. Boca Raton (97-282), the Court came down on the side of
employees who argued that their companies had not provided enough protection or
specific instructions about sexual harassment. In these two complementary
decisions, the Court made clear that it was establishing a framework for
assessing job related sexual harassment. The framework contains three key elements:
1) Employers are always liable for sexual harassment by supervisors if a victim
suffers "a tangible employment action, such as a discharge, demotion or
undesirable reassignment." 2) Even in the absence of such actions,
employers are usually liable when employees are subjected a "hostile
environment," such as lewd and abusive comments from a supervisors. 3)
However, in these cases, employers can avoid a large damage award if they can
prove that they had "exercised reasonable care to prevent" harassment
and that the victim "unreasonably failed to take advantage" of an
available complaint process. The question is, where do
colleges and universities fall within this new frame work?
Harassment
and Hate Speech
Those seeking to restrict speech
that contributes to sexual and/or racial harassment might do well to examine
the case of Doe v. University of
Michigan. (103) In
1989, a federal district court held that the University's "Policy on
Discrimination and Discriminatory Harassment of Students in the University
Environment" was unconstitutional because it was too vague and overbroad.
The policy prohibited any behavior, verbal or physical, that stigmatized or
victimized an individual on the basis of race, ethnicity, religion, sex, sexual
orientation, creed, national origin, ancestry, age, marital status, handicap or
veteran status, and proscribed verbal or physical conduct that stigmatized or
victimized and individual on the basis of sex or sexual orientation. The policy
was brought down by a biology graduate student who insisted on his right to
discuss certain controversial theories positing biologically based differences
between sexes and races. The court ruled that the "University could not .
. . establish an anti-discrimination policy which had the effect of prohibiting
certain speech because it disagreed with ideas or messages . . . to be
conveyed." (104) The
court did this while recognizing that "fighting words" and
"[c]ertain kinds of libel and slander are not protected" under the
First Amendment. (105) However, it should be
clear from this example and the ones that follow that the Court has severely
narrowed what qualifies as fighting words. In a string of decisions over the
years, the Court has decided that the following words are opinions and neither
fighting words nor slanderous, nor libelous: bigot, horse's ass, jerk, idiot,
con artist, charlatan, Marxist, liar, Fascist, racist.
(106) The most recent set back for speech codes occurred at Stanford
University when in February of 1995, the California Supreme Court found the
Stanford code to be "overbroad" and a clear violation of standards
set down in R.A.V. v. City of St.
Paul (1992).
This problem relates to the academic
community in another way. Suppose that a professor writes a review of a
colleague's book, and that in the course of the review, the professor claims
that the books is an example of shoddy scholarship because the author relies on
thesis X, which has been discredited by recent research. Further suppose, that
in fact, the author attacks thesis X and actually supports thesis Y. Can the
author sue the professor for damages on the grounds that his review was based
on a blatantly inaccurate reading of the text?
The Supreme Court recently denied
certiorari in such a case, Moldea
v. New York Times Company. Dan Moldea's book on the influence of
crime in the National Football League was negatively reviewed by a Times'
sportswriter. In the process of the review, the sportswriter made several
factual errors which Moldea claimed deflated the sales of the book and
therefore caused him to lose money. Moldea asked the Times to print a
letter from him explaining that the errors were egregious and intentional. The Times
refused; Moldea sued. The United States Court of Appeals first held for Moldea
two to one on February 18, 1994. In part the court said "that four of
the five challenged passages characterize [the book] in ways that a jury could
meaningfully determine are true or false." (107)
Then in one of the oddest occurrences in legal history, on May 3, 1994, the
court reversed itself and decided three to none for the New York Times.
This time the court said that the original "opinion failed to take
sufficient account of the fact that the statements at issue appeared in the
context of a book review, a genre in which readers expect to find spirited
critiques of literary works that they understand to be the reviewer's description
and assessment of texts that are capable of a number of possible rational
interpretations." (108) Moldea lost his
appeal to the Supreme Court.
In making its decisions, the appeals
court relied heavily on the Supreme Court's 1990 ruling in Milkovich v. Lorain Journal Co.
In that case, involving an editorial sports column that accused a coach of
perjury, the Court tried to reassess the prior rulings which had separated
assertions of opinion from assertions of fact, arguing that opinion was
protected by the First Amendment but that false statements of fact were
actionable. In Milkovich
the Court tried to close the loophole through which one person could slander or
libel another by simply preceding the offending language with the words
"in my opinion." The Court said that "loose, figurative, or
hyperbolic" statements are not actionable in defamation cases, not because
they are opinion, but because the Court had ruled in other cases that parody
and imaginative commentary was protected speech. (109)
Therefore, if what is said or written is clearly not
intended as parody or fiction, and if it asserts a statement of fact which can
be proven false, then it is actionable under defamation rules. Said the Court, "the breathing space which freedoms of
expression require in order to survive is adequately secured by existing
constitutional doctrine without the creation of an artificial dichotomy between
'opinion' and fact." (110) Given this ruling, one can understand the confusion of the
Court of Appeals.
Before leaving this matter, let me
return to the hypothetical example from the academic community. If the
professor writing the review based his opinion of "shoddy
scholarship" on facts that could be shown to be false, he may be liable
for the damages the author suffers due to his review. For example, suppose the
author was denied tenure based on the professor's review of his book. If the
opinions in the review are based on provably false fact, the author may have a
case against the professor particularly when you consider the genre for
scholarly reviews are not as imaginative or figurative as editorials or
newspapers' book reviews.
Defamation cases aside, the
rationale behind restricting the use of the "fighting words" standard
has been clearly laid out by Franklyn Haiman in Speech Acts and the First Amendment (1993).
Initially, the standard was born from a school of thought that asserts that
certain phrases are in fact "performative utterances." Philosophers
such as Ludwig Wittgenstein, J. L. Austin, and John Searle argue that words are
often deeds. For example, when the president of a university confers degrees,
he/she not only speaks words, he/she makes graduation official. So why isn't it
equally clear that when one person insults another, that person is also
performing an act that can be punished in the way assault is? The answer lies
in the analysis of the original example. Just think, if the president of the
university had a snit and decided not to confer degrees, do you really believe
those present would be deprived of their degrees? Of course
not. Any more than if I tell a colleague to go to hell, he actually
will. Thus, the Courts have continually restricted the fighting words standard
as swear and other words have increased in common usage. As Haiman points out
in 1972 the Supreme Court narrowed fighting words to be only those that
"tend to incite an immediate breach of the peace."
(111) Even in the case of malicious language, one must show that the
"stimulus had been followed by palpable injury, such as a heart attack or
a physiological nervous breakdown" to collect damages.
(112) Let's examine some contemporary cases
on campuses.