As
it begins to appear that the death toll in southeastern Louisiana and
southern Mississippi from Hurricane Katrina may surpass that of 9/11,
questions are once again being raised regarding the Bush
administration’s distorted views as to what constitutes national
security.
Much of the criticism thus far has focused on the
failure of
authorities to evacuate the tens of thousands of low-income residents
in New Orleans who lacked the means to leave for higher ground inland
and the slowness and inefficiency of the federal response following the
rupture of the levees protecting the city, much of which lies below sea
level. (Some have compared the U.S. government’s reaction unfavorably
to its response to the devastating tsunami that struck the Indian Ocean
region in December, though the U.S. response to that disaster was
actually even slower and far less generous financially, especially in
the first days following the tsunami.)
Still others have noted the growing evidence that the
increase in
recent years in the frequency of such mega-hurricanes as Katrina is a
result of global warming. The Bush administration has aggressively
undermined international efforts to forcefully address such potentially
catastrophic changes in the world’s climate as a result of carbon
dioxide emissions in the United States and other industrialized nations.
It also appears that the Bush administration’s decision
to undercut
the authority of the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA), a
once-independent unit of government, by subsuming it into the
Department of Homeland Security—with its over-emphasis on the threat
from international terrorism—limited FEMA’s ability to better prepare
for the long-predicted scenario of disastrous flooding resulting from a
major hurricane striking New Orleans.
Iraq, Katrina, and Homeland Security
Perhaps the decision by the Bush administration which
most directly
contributed to the high numbers of unnecessary deaths, however, was the
2003 invasion of Iraq.
The Iraq war has cost the federal government more than
$200 billion
thus far, resulting in cutbacks in a number of emergency preparedness
projects which appear to have lessened the ability of Louisiana
authorities to cope with the hurricane, including providing charter
buses to complete the evacuation of the city before the storm struck.
Furthermore, Walter Maestri, the emergency management chief for
Jefferson Parish, which includes New Orleans’ western suburbs, noted in
June of last year that anticipated funding to strengthen the levees had
been diverted to pay for the war. Indeed, federal assistance to the
Southeast Louisiana Flood Control Project dropped precipitously
following the U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003.
Also contributing to the carnage is the fact that at
least 35% of
the Louisiana National Guard, long serving as the front line in
hurricane relief efforts, are unable to respond to the crisis because
they are far away in Iraq. The numbers that could have been on the
ground participating in relief operations have been reduced further as
a result of the dramatic drop in recruitment over the past two years.
Hundreds of men and women who would have otherwise enlisted or
re-enlisted in the National Guard have failed to do so due to the
prospect of being sent to fight in that bloody counter-insurgency war.
Perhaps even more significant has been the absence of
equipment
critical for emergency responses. WGNO-TV, the ABC affiliate in New
Orleans, reported on August 1 that “dozens of high-water vehicles,
humvees, refuelers, and generators are now abroad,” warning that “in
the event of a major natural disaster, that could be a problem.” They
interviewed Lieutenant Colonel Pete Schneider of the Louisiana National
Guard, who observed that “the National Guard needs that equipment back
home.” Louisiana’s 256th Infantry Brigade and Mississippi’s 155th
Armored Brigade, both of which are currently in Iraq, include
engineering and support battalions specializing in disaster relief.
As a result of the absence of these high-water vehicles
and other
equipment which could have been used in the aftermath of the flooding,
it appears that many hundreds of people died while waiting to be
rescued. Even Thomas Donnelly of the neoconservative American
Enterprise Institute observed that “this is what happens when you take
Guardsmen and put them on the conveyor belt into Iraq.”
In neighboring Mississippi, which took the brunt of the
hurricane’s
145-mile per hour winds and twenty-foot storm surge, 4,000 members of
the state’s National Guard—a full 40% of its total troop strength— are
currently in Iraq. The Washington Post quoted Lt. Andy
Thaggard, a Mississippi National Guard spokesman, as saying, “Missing
personnel is the big thing in this particular event—we need our people.”
President George W. Bush’s priorities were apparent the
day after
the hurricane struck the Gulf Coast: Rather than immediately returning
to Washington to coordinate the federal response, he flew out to San
Diego to give a major speech where—except for a few lines at the
outset—he avoided mentioning the unfolding tragedy and instead focused
upon rationalizing for his war in Iraq, comparing it to the struggle
against the Axis powers in World War II.
Bipartisan Blame
Don’t count on the Democrats to take advantage of this
opportunity
to challenge the Bush administration’s misplaced priorities, however.
Democratic leaders, including Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton and other
leading contenders for the 2008 presidential nomination, have largely
supported President Bush’s Iraq agenda and therefore share in the
blame. Louisiana’s hawkish Democratic senator Mary Landrieu, along with
the majority of her Democratic Senate colleagues, voted in support of
the October 2002 joint resolution authorizing the U.S. invasion of
Iraq. Even as the drain on the federal budget resulting from the
ongoing war and the heavy reliance on their states’ National Guard to
suppress the resulting insurgency became apparent, they have largely
supported the Bush administration’s requests to continue funding the
war.
Similarly, Democratic U.S. Representative William
Jefferson, whose
Second Congressional District in New Orleans is now mostly under water,
also voted to authorize the invasion of Iraq. He defended his vote on
the grounds that Iraq somehow posed a threat to America’s national
security, a particularly twisted perspective for the representative of
a constituency so vulnerable to natural disaster, a full 30% of whom
lived below the poverty line even prior to Hurricane Katrina.
By providing shelter for those fleeing the devastated
areas, making
financial contributions to relief efforts, and other measures, the
American people have once again demonstrated enormous caring and
generosity. Such efforts will and should continue. However, this
laudable energy must also be focused on holding accountable the
politicians of both parties who—out of their eagerness to invade an
oil-rich country on the other side of the globe—allowed so many of
their fellow Americans to suffer and die needlessly.
Stephen Zunes, Middle East editor for Foreign Policy in
Focus, is a professor of Politics at the University of San Francisco.