On Saturday, October 19, 1991, a “suspicious” fire occurred in Wildcat Canyon, near the ridgeline. After consuming five acres, this fire was extinguished. Firefighters acknowledged that the only factor missing for a disastrous fire to occur was the wind. Firefighters left the area early Saturday evening, returning to check the area for “hot spots” during the night.
On Sunday, October 20, 1991, firefighters returned to the burn area to “mop-up." Due to the dense build-up of natural fuels in the burn area, the Diablo winds re-ignited “hot spots” that had been smoldering in the duff. The Diablo winds, hot dry weather, natural fuels, unlimited use of wood shingles, terrain, narrow winding roads, and water supply were key factors in the Oakland Hills Fires of 1991, just as they had been in earlier fires. The 1923, 1970, and 1991 fires all originated in hills, and burned much of the same area.
The 1991 East Bay Hills conflagration was responsible for 25 deaths, and over 150 injuries. The fatalities included Oakland Police Officer John Grubensky, and Battalion Chief Riley, who valiantly fought to help endangered citizens escape the fire. The fire consumed a total of 1,520 acres, with a fire perimeter of 5.25 miles. (A map of ultimate fire area is provided on p.64, of the Federal Emergency Management Agency report). Nearly 2,000 automobiles were burned in the fire area, many of which were abandoned in the streets by residents who were trying to evacuate.
2,843 single-family dwellings were destroyed, and 193 single-family dwellings were damaged. 433 apartment units were destroyed or damaged, increasing the total number of destroyed or damaged units to 3,469. Approximately 5,100 people were left homeless, many of them elderly. Relatives, friends, and neighbors provided support for the victims, as well as temporary shelter, helping them deal with the emotional trauma experienced from the East Bay Hills fire. Residents who escaped the path of the fire experienced mixed feelings of relief, for being spared by the fire, and feelings of guilt for escaping the fire’s path of destruction. Anxiety about future fires loomed large.
Firefighters suffered varying amounts of psychological and physiological stress effects, due to continued and intense fire suppression activity. Many firefighters were engaged in fire fighting activity for 12 hours or more, without so much as a few minutes rest at any time. Officers suffered from exhaustion, dehydration, fatigue, respiratory distress, eye irritations, smoke inhalation, strains, sprains, contusions, dislocations, and minor burns. No matter the capacity of firefighter’s duties, each firefighter was subjected to a maximum amount of stress and exertion in the East Bay Hills fire. “After several hours, volunteer groups, including the Red Cross and Salvation Army, began to deliver food and drinks to the suppression forces wherever they could be reached” (Federal Emergency Management Agency, 1992).
Response to the fire had a definite impact on the participants’ psychological state as well, due to the frustration felt and defeat experienced numerous times while fighting the fire fronts. The 1991 fire could not be, and would not be contained for three days! Firefighters feared this fire, as it was the greatest in magnitude any firefighter had ever experienced. Stress levels increased when firefighters discovered the remains of the Battalion Chief who was killed, as well as other victims who could not be saved. Firefighters, who served at the time of the Loma Prieta Earthquake, described the fire as more stressful than the earthquake because the fire kept getting bigger, and they were helpless in their attempts to stop it. Particularly stressful were the reports published after the fire accusing firefighting forces of being negligent and inadequate in their response to the fire. A Critical Incident Stress Debriefing System was set up by the Oakland Fire Department immediately after the fire. Other mental health professionals and agencies in Berkeley and Oakland provided counseling for residents affected by the devastation.
The Oakland-Berkeley firestorm “was the third most costly urban fire disaster in US history after the San Francisco earthquake in 1906 and the Chicago fire of 1871” (Mitchell, 1999). Estimated dollar fire loss was US $1.537 billion (Captain Donald R. Parker, Oakland Office of Fire Services, Jan. 1992.) Fire victims lost personal possessions, art and music collections, and pets, as well as their homes. Although many residents had fire insurance, many of these personal losses were not covered.
On Monday, October 21, 1991, the Mayor of Oakland vowed to rebuild the Hills community. The East Bay Hills area “provided some of Oakland’s highest real estate tax revenues and that rebuilding would provide incomes to local merchants and contractors “ (Blakely, 12 August, 1993, as cited in Mitchell, 1999). Not rebuilding on the burned area was not seriously considered as an alternative, in the aftermath of the firestorm. Failure to consider this option could lead to future risk from wildfire hazard in the East Bay Hills area. In 1993, 11,000 new construction jobs were created to support the reconstruction process of the East Bay Hills area. These jobs came to the area during a time of economic recession. By October 12, 1993, 1,368 building permits had been issued for the 2,777 residential sites that had burned in Oakland, and for 39 out of 69 sites that had been burned in Berkeley. Thirty percent of the residents chose not to rebuild in the East Bay Hills area. Private insurance was a dominant force in financing rebuilding, in the post-disaster recovery phase of the fire. “One year after the disaster, 3,954 claims amounting to US $1.4 billion (c. US $350,000 per household) had been filed with 49 insurance companies. As settlements were reached on most claims, the fire victims received infusions of money” (Mitchell, 1999). Two-thirds of these owners had guaranteed replacement cost insurance coverage. They received reimbursement for temporary housing costs, along with federal and state tax relief. “The average net worth of families who lost homes was expected to rise from 10 to 25 percent compared with pre-firestorm levels” (San Francisco Examiner, 31 October 1993, E-1 and E-5, as cited in Mitchell, 1999). In addition to having private insurance, residents became eligible for assistance from the federal government when the East Bay Hills area was declared a "major disaster area," on October 22, 1991, by President George Bush. The Federal Emergency Management Agency was responsible for assisting residents, although much of the disaster relief was covered by private insurance. “About four-fifths of federal funding after the fire was spent on reimbursing state and local governments for their response and recovery costs” (Mitchell, 1999). The Federal Emergency Management Agency set up and funded a Community Restoration Center, which provided residents’ access to city officials, utility representatives, and other services needed by the victims in the post-recovery process, at one location.
Command officers responsible for directing and
managing the fire suppression efforts knew the risk factors and previous
fire history of the area, and had been advocates for mitigation measures
to be utilized by local residents, to decrease their risk from wildland-urban
interface fire hazards. For the past sixty years, the
hills have become populated with residents who are at risk to hazard;
however, they are not as vulnerable to hazard as one might think, as they
can afford to recover from a disaster like the East Bay Hills fire. In
fact, many of the homes that burned in the East Bay Hills fire of 1991 had
been rebuilt after being burned in previous Oakland Hills’ fires. Most
of the residents who were affected by the fire were affluent and well insured.
Although the East Bay Hills area will remain an area
at risk to wildfire hazard, due to its wildland-urban interface component,
people will still choose to reside there, enjoying their “Home with a
View". “Household benefits seem higher than household costs, thus
encouraging action on environmentally dysfunctional landscape values if
households have the resources to act on them” (Rodrigue, 1993).
“No one can predict when or where the
next fire will be, but nature gives us clues. The public must learn to
recognize 'fire season' signs. Urban/interface residents must learn to
adopt firesafe habits and firesafe lifestyles” (National Fire Protection
Association, 1992).
Past policy legislation efforts have been:
Unfortunately, the area of Berkeley that burned in the 1991 fire was not part of the specified area for Class A roofing. There were no local fire protection regulations on fire-resistive roofs for the Oakland area at the time of the East Bay Hills fire in 1991. Area agencies and UC Berkeley have since unified to perform an extensive fire prevention effort to protect homes in a 30-acre area, in the hills above the university campus. The $400,000 project, funded by the campus, the state Office of Emergency Services, and the Federal Emergency Management Agency, will involve extensive fuel reduction measures with the first phase scheduled to begin on September 5, 2000.